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Natural and artificial order, natural and artificial language

A natural order is the result of evolution—whether economic, linguistic, biological, or any other kind. For example, to argue that money is a natural order is to argue that money evolved, that nobody designed money—see Murray Rothbard on that here. That is, the order of money came about naturally. Nobody had to come up with the idea consciously.

If a scholar with a background in logic, mathematics, and linguistics—to give another example—thinks consciously about how logical thought and communication work and then designs a language for that purpose, then the scholar is working not with natural but artificial order, not with natural but artificial language. Anarchism in economic policy would keep the economy as laissez faire as possible, and by analogy, anarchism in linguistic policy would keep the language as laissez faire as possible. The scholar in the hypothetical, then, is going against the anarchic spirit. He’s interfering with the natural order.

Linguistics, being the study of natural language, is the study of the natural order of language. The most fundamental insight of linguistics, which also justifies the field, is that most people have order in their linguistic action, order worth studying, that’s evolved and undesigned, that’s natural and unconscious. Linguistics makes that implicit order explicit.

Formalism and substantivism

It may be useful to make a distinction between formalism and substantivism. When doing formalism, you push the substance out of your mind and keep only the form. And when doing substantivism, you do the opposite: You push the form out of your mind and keep only the substance. For example, doing formalism in mathematics means ignoring the semantics of the notation and paying attention only to the syntax.

Depending on the historical context, the zeitgeist may be either more formalist or more substantivist. For example, British empiricism came about immediately after English and the other vernaculars of Europe replaced Latin in scholarship. That may not be a coincidence: As Morris Cohen argued in Reason and Nature (1931), that change in language led scholars to try to take the old insights preserved in Latin and translate them into English, French, etc., and the failure to do so in many cases shows that much of Latin-based scholarship was form without substance. British empiricism, being radically substantivist in spirit, was one of the most important reactions to that.

How words influence thought

When we put our thoughts into words, we risk being influenced without even noticing that we’re being influenced. Some of the mechanisms for that:

  1. Each language has its own way of categorizing phenomena, and how a language categorizes phenomena presupposes in a hidden way certain beliefs and values.
  2. Some words have valence.
  3. Some words are associated with other words. If you believe a proposition made out of words, and then that word-proposition brings to mind another word-proposition, then the feeling of belief in the former proposition will add something of a feeling of belief to the latter proposition too.

The purpose of logic

On the question of what logic is about, what it’s supposed to help out with, I’ve often thought that the most fundamental answer is probably integration. Logic is the study of how to integrate your beliefs, how to be consistent, how to not contradict yourself. Although it’s not always the most useful social move to enforce integration in yourself and others—the social world often rewards inconsistency, contradiction—the tools of logic are there for that purpose. When you do want to integrate your beliefs, logic is there to help.

That way of explaining what logic is about, though—that logic is supposed to help out with something sometimes useful, sometimes not—is a way of zooming out and explaining what logic’s place is in life. If instead we just take for granted, as most scientists and philosophers do, that we shouldn’t contradict ourselves, then there’s perhaps a better way of explaining what logic is about:

Consider the distinction between the linguistic form of a word and its logical substance. In Japanese, along with Japanese and all of the other natural languages of civilization, there are at least two forms: (a) the spoken form, and (b) the written form. For logic, though, the linguistic form doesn’t matter. What matters is the logical substance. For example: Whether the word “moon” is spoken or written, the literal meaning is the same: 🌙. And in the same way, for logic it doesn’t matter whether we write “moon” or 月. Spoken or written English, spoken or written Japanese, all of those are just different linguistic forms associated with the same logical substance.

But it doesn’t stop with vocabulary. Consider grammar too:

  1. “English men and women”
  2. “English men and English women”

Famously, logic is about such equivalencies. Why? For the same reason: because here again the linguistic form is different but the logical substance is the same.

Consider also:

  1. “English men and women, together, make up more than half of everybody here.”
  2. “English men and English women, together, make up more than half of everybody here.”

It’s impossible for #1 to be true without #2 also being true, and it’s impossible for #1 to be false without #2 also being false—logically impossible. That’s because logically speaking, #1 and #2 are the same. They’re different linguistic forms associated with the same proposition.

Logic maps the complexity of the surface forms of natural language to something simpler and deeper: the underlying logic, the underlying literal meaning. The surface-grammatical form “[adjective X] [noun X] and [noun Y],” exemplified in the phrase “English men and women,” is logically equivalent, equivalent in its literal meaning, to the surface-grammatical form “[adjective X] [noun X] and [adjective X] [noun Y],” exemplified in the phrase “English men and English women.”

To follow George Boole in adapting the traditional notation of algebra to logic:

  1. “English men and women.” x(y + z)
  2. “English men and English women.” xy + xz

Logic, then, (a) takes as an axiom that we shouldn’t contradict ourselves, presupposes that we shouldn’t contradict ourselves, and then (b) ignores everything except literal meaning. That’s what logic is about.

Physicalist categories of phenomenalist categories

Categories such as that associated with the word “man” are actually categories of categories. On the phenomenalist level, which is the ultimate foundation of knowledge, even the phrase “Noam Chomsky,” which isn’t associated with a category of people but with a person, isn’t associated with a grouping of individuals but with an individual, and thus isn’t a category on the physicalist level—there’s only one physically existing Noam Chomsky—is associated with a category nonetheless, just a category not of physically existing people but of sensory complexes. There are myriad sensory complexes that count as Chomsky: his face young and old, his face from one angle and another, etc.

The word “man,” then, which includes in its denotation Noam Chomsky, Michael Tomasello, etc., is associated with a physicalist category of phenomenalist categories. It’s associated with a grouping of individuals, the individuals themselves being groupings of sensory complexes.

Just as there are myriad people who count as men—that’s what makes it a category—there are myriad sensory complexes that count as Chomsky.

Phenomenalist logic and linguistics

In the late 2000s and early 2010s, I put a lot of effort into studying David Hume’s work and building a phenomenalist foundation for linguistics with the help of his work. I shelved the project after a while (not because it wasn’t going well but because I got sidetracked). And then in the early 2020s, a decade later, I happened to go back to Friedrich Hayek’s book The Sensory Order (1952), which I had read soon after graduating high school but without getting much out of it. Suddenly, though, in a flash of insight, it all made sense: Hayek’s work in that book and that work’s relationship with my work.

With Hayek’s help, then, I wrote several essays on my late-2000s, early-2010s project, transforming that project from Humean-phenomenalist linguistics to Humean-Hayekian-phenomenalist linguistics.

There’s something else that I should also mention that influenced me between my late-2000s, early-2010s work on Humean-phenomenalist linguistics and my recent work on Humean-Hayekian-phenomenalist linguistics: Around when I went back to The Sensory Order, I spent a lot of time and energy on logic. Besides doing my own thinking, I studied with great interest John Stuart Mill’s 1,000+ page textbook A System of Logic (1843) and Morris Cohen’s more concise and eloquently written textbook An Introduction to Logic and Scientific Method (1934).

To summarize:

  1. There was my late-2000s, early-2010s work on adapting Humean phenomenalism to linguistics.
  2. There was my newfound appreciation, as of the early 2020s, for Hayek’s effort to reconcile phenomenalism, which is a well-respected, traditional doctrine in philosophy, with 20th-century science.
  3. And there was my newfound understanding, also as of the early 2020s, of logic.

With all of that, I found myself better oriented than ever in all of the ways that mattered for building the phenomenalist foundation for linguistics that I first envisioned as a teenager in the late 2000s. That long-standing ambition of mine—shelved but never forgotten, unshelved after a decade—had matured into something even more promising: Humean-Hayekian-phenomenalist logico-linguistic system building.

Social-science denialism

I’ve always been interested in the questions of why people do what they do and why people feel and think as they do. Being of a philosophical and scientific orientation, my interest in those questions led me to wander on my own until as a teenager I found and started studying the most philosophically deep schools of thought in economics, linguistics, and some of the other sciences of human action and the human mind.

To my surprise, though, it turned out in my experience—I was born and raised in America in the 1990s—that many or even most people that I shared my insights with, whether they were intellectual or not, found my insights uncomfortable. Why? Because they found it uncomfortable to generalize about people.

But the fact of the matter is that science, whether about people or things, is about generalization. To find it uncomfortable to generalize about people is to find it uncomfortable to do science about people. I was shocked, bewildered, at my experience with the people around me, until I looked into the history of the epistemological and methodological controversies in the social sciences. There’s a long history to being uncomfortable generalizing about people—indeed being uncomfortable in that way is natural to the leftist temperament. That revelation led me to take a step back from the debate and look at it from the outside, to go meta. It helped me not only clarify my side of the debate but also stop being shocked that the other side exists.

The leftist infection, which started in the 19th century, spread to the heart of the West after the World Wars, and part and parcel to the leftist temperament is social-science denialism.

Connotation, denotation, and social negotiation

In logic, the connotation of a word is what’s shared among all of the referents of the word. For example, the connotation of the word “food” is anything edible. What’s essential to being food is being edible. The denotation of a word, then, is all of the referents of the word. For example, the denotation of the word “food” includes the broccoli in my refrigerator.

The connotation and the denotation are often in synchrony. Knowing that the word “food” connotes being edible lets you figure out what that word denotes—the broccoli in my refrigerator is one of countless examples—and knowing what that word denotes lets you figure out what it connotes. But the connotation and the denotation are also often not in synchrony. That comes about when the referents change. Imagine, for instance, a small but well-known Christian denomination that changes from monotheism (which is the standard Christian doctrine) to polytheism. The individuals in the denomination, long well-known as “Christians,” all change from professing monotheism to professing polytheism. The connotation and the denotation fall out of step with each other. The word “Christian,” which traditionally includes belief in monotheism in its connotation (along with belief in Jesus of Nazareth as the Messiah, belief in the New Testament as scripture, etc., as the distinguishing criteria of being Christian), also traditionally includes the individuals in that denomination in its denotation.

We must decide whether to:

  1. Either change the familiar connotation of the word “Christian,” the connotation that we’re used to, such that it newly accepts polytheism in its connotational range, which preserves the familiar denotational range. [the inclusive move]
  2. Or change the familiar denotation of that word such that it newly rejects the individuals in the aforementioned denomination in its denotational range, which preserves the familiar connotational range. [the exclusive move]

That is, we must decide whether to:

  1. Either pin down what the word refers to and then change what it means when what it refers to changes.
  2. Or pin down what the word means and then change what it refers to when the world changes.

Interestingly, pinning down or fixing the denotation of the subject of a proposition makes for a synthetic proposition (because the proposition “Christians believe in monotheism” is thereby made to be non-tautologically true) and pinning down or fixing the connotation instead makes for an analytic proposition (because the same proposition is thereby made to be tautologically true).

Also interestingly, the question of whether to either denotation-fix or connotation-fix is social. A social negotiation must happen between the inclusive and the exclusive: between the people who prefer the denotation-fix-inclusive move and the people who prefer the connotation-fix-exclusive move.

Conjuration

My definition of the term “conjuration” in the context of extending logico-linguistic analysis to the social is the phenomenon of using descriptive phrasing in order to prescribe. That is, descriptive phrasing used descriptively informs the interlocutor that X is true, but descriptive phrasing used prescriptively directs the interlocutor to make X true. For example, imagine that your boss says to you about your upcoming trip to Japan: “You’ll land in Osaka on the 15th, and then you’ll take the train to Kyoto on the 20th.” Is that a description of what you’ll do, a prediction? Before I answer that question, imagine instead that your boss says (again to you): “John will land in Osaka on the 15th, and then he’ll take the train to Kyoto on the 20th.”

The key insight: The former utterance is such that the utterance itself is what makes the utterance true. It’s only in your boss saying to you that you’ll do X that you’ll do X. By contrast, the latter utterance isn’t like that—well as long as John isn’t there to hear it.

So yes, the former utterance is a description of what you’ll do, a prediction, but only under the assumption that your boss has the right kind of power. That is, the former utterance, which uses descriptive phrasing prescriptively, is an incantation, a conjuration. The words conjure up what they describe.

It’s important to stress that the same linguistics forms (e.g., “X will Y”) are used both descriptively and descriptively-prescriptively. The linguistic forms are the same between the typical usage of “John will go to Kyoto on the 15th” (which is informative) and the typical usage of “you will go to Kyoto on the 15th” (which is directive), but the substances are different. It’s also important to stress the linguistic universality: That descriptive-prescriptive ambiguity, which I’ll give more examples of below, is shot through English, Japanese, and every other natural language.

Examples:

  1. Uttered from father to son when the son is crying: “Boys don’t cry!” (Stop crying!)
  2. Uttered from mother to daughter: “Men are the breadwinners, and women are the homemakers.” (Become a homemaker.)

No true Scotsman

If person A gives a generalization about a category of people, person B gives a counterexample (which is an exception to the supposedly exceptionless generalization), and then person A defines away the counterexample, then that’s the famous no-true-Scotsman fallacy: “No Scotsman puts sugar on his porridge,” person A says. “But my uncle Angus is a Scotsman, and he puts sugar on his porridge,” person B replies. “But no true Scotsman puts sugar on his porridge,” person A replies to the reply.

Contrary to the mainstream, though: Whether person A’s no-true-Scotsman move is fallacious depends on their definition of the term “Scotsman.” If their definition is, say, “has a Scottish passport,” then yes, their move is fallacious: Person B’s uncle Angus, who puts sugar on his porridge—that fact isn’t in contention in the dialogue given above—either has a Scottish passport or not. And if he does, then he’s an exception, a counterexample. He disproves the generalization. But what if person A’s definition isn’t like that? What if person A’s definition is instead identity-related? For example: “No Christian believes in polytheism.” “But my uncle John is a Christian, and he believes in polytheism.” “But no true Christian believes in polytheism.” There’s nothing fallacious about that. Put differently: “Your uncle John believes in polytheism? No Christian believes in polytheism, definitionally speaking, and thus he’s not a Christian.” The term “Christian” in that context is a group identity that’s defined in part as excluding polytheists from the group.

The question of whether to believe in polytheism is of course much more profound than the question of whether to put sugar on your porridge—that’s why the idea of denying polytheists the right to identify as Christian is so much easier to take seriously than the idea of denying people who put sugar on their porridge the right to identify as Scotsmen—but the logic is the same: The no-true Scotsman (or “no-true-Christian”) move is fallacious only insofar as the definition of the term for the category of people isn’t an identity. Otherwise it’s just person A being inclusive and person B being exclusive.